bridgetwelsh

Most Americans remember where they were on September 11th, 2001.  I recall the day vividly. I had recently moved from New York City to Washington DC to teach at Johns Hopkins University – SAIS. I was teaching Malaysian politics when the first attack occurred. During the class break, I told the class that a plane had gone into the Twin Towers. Like most of us, we thought this was a small plane and I continued teaching. By the end of the two-hour class period, phones had been ringing non-stop and it had become clear that terrorism had reached US soil. We were all soon glued around the television, and one of my colleagues familiar with US policy responses remarked correctly “there will be war”. The building soon emptied out, but since I did not have a proper internet connection due to my move, I stayed at the office, reaching out to friends. When I got around to leaving the office it was around 5pm, and I walked my twenty or so blocks home. There were military and National Guard personnel on street corners, shops were shut and the streets were deserted, as Washington DC had become an eerie war zone. At home, I watched television that featured the violent attack and personal stories of crisis over and over again in what would be a national trauma.

I was listed as one of the missing in New York, as some of my relatives could not reach me due to the move. My immediate focus was to reach out to my students and friends who I knew worked in the Towers and to reassure loved ones that I was fine. Just as I had confirmed that the last friend on the list of those in the Tower was okay, I received a call from my aunt letting me know that my cousin’s wife Debbie had died in Flight 93 in Pennsylvania. She has been a United Airlines stewardess, and it would later be revealed that she had been stabbed in the attack as hijackers took over the plane. I spent the next few days comforting family and friends, who lacking the same level of international exposure, could not fathom the reasons for the attack and were in shock. Attending the heart-wrenching memorial ceremonies was deeply emotional, and to this day, I will never forget the personal suffering of the innocent.

Hopes Unrealized

In the immediate wake of 9-11, I had hoped that this would event would lead to an outreach with the international community and with Muslims in particular. I also hoped that there would be a serious reevaluation of US policy in the Middle East, especially with regard to Palestine, which remains intractable and a serious problem. I urged engagement and ramped up my energies toward promoting a better understanding of Southeast Asia. As the region was tarnished with the terrorist brush, given the planning of 9-11 attacks in places such as Malaysia, it was vital to provide the contextual frameworks for events and to remind those unfamiliar with the region of its diversity and complexity.

Instead, I watched the US turn inward, as reactionary nationalism reigned and fear drove policy. Ten years later, the US remains embroiled in two wars, and many of the underlying reasons for the attacks persist. While safety is seen as protected through tight airport monitoring, visa regulation and intelligence gathering of chatter, real understanding and engagement is sorely lacking. The sources of tension arising with US policy in the Middle East, despite the Arab spring, persist. Deep distrust and suspicion remain and in many ways have hardened, as the US is seen as the boogeyman by many in the international community and Muslims and Islam is mistakenly seen as a driver of terrorism. The suspicions have extended globally into local contexts where black-and-white perceptions of communities color constructive engagement and understanding.  Throughout the world, in Malaysia and Indonesia in the region, religious misunderstandings have widened after 9-11, as a serious gap exists between Muslims and non-Muslims, and among Muslims themselves and within other religions, with inadequate dialogue to strengthen understanding. Intolerance and gross mischaracterizations continues to poison relationships.

New Approaches Needed

The ten year anniversary of 9-11 serves as yet another call for a different tack for policy and approaches. On the global front, there is a pressing need for withdrawal of US troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, as local actors should be given sovereignty and control their own destinies. Pressure on Israel to do the right thing on Palestine must deepen, as global leadership toward a peaceful solution is needed more than ever. A richer understanding of the diversity of experience in the Muslim world is sorely needed. More broadly, in the realms of academia where I am most familiar, there continues to be a need to foster inter-religious dialogue and understanding, and to breakdown erroneous stereotypes that underscore misunderstandings and intolerance. This need for respectful discussion is pressing. Now, more than ever, as there is serious reflection on 9-11, and more information about the event has emerged, there is a need to move away from policy driven by fear and insecurity towards policy geared toward hope and security.

My cousin has moved on in his life. While Debbie will always be in our hearts and memories, on personal levels, many of those more affected have proved resilient and moved forward. The time now is for our policies and approaches to have a similar future-oriented outreach, one that is at peace with the past and embracing the promise of a better tomorrow.  

Multiple Dimensions of a New Post 9-11 Era

There are four areas that stand out that need immediate attention. The first is to increase tolerance. While we may not agree with different beliefs and practices, the time for acceptance of difference is now more pressing than ever. Trends in the US suggest increasing intolerance and religious conservatism, which are worrying trajectories that need to be tackled head-on. These trends are the source of conflict and tension, leading to polarization and zero-sum political dynamics that are difficult to resolve.

To address tolerance, there is an urgent need for dialogue, inter-religious, inter-racial and cross-border discussions, the second issue. Has not the terrorism in the past taught us about the need to listen and adopt more constructive approaches to difference within communities?

This movement toward the future is tied to a third dimension, the need to appreciate our common humanity. Mistakes have been made and continue to be made, but in order to address them, blame and condemnation is not useful. The focus instead should be on the lessons and the path ahead, with an appreciation of infallibility and common desire for a better future across constructed boundaries. We have shared dreams of peace and better futures for our families, and this common bond ties us together.

Finally, ten years later we have to appreciate the active need to genuinely understand and respect the views and experiences of others, whether it is in the US, Southeast Asia, or elsewhere, and, importantly, take responsibility for promoting understanding and addressing injustices. We ask ourselves, what have we done to make the world safer and more peaceful after 9-11? How much do we really understand different world views? What can we do now to make a difference to the injustices than persist?

As I believed in the days immediately after the attack, I remain of the view that deeper broader engagement – global and local - will move us toward effectively addressing the core problems than drove the terrorist attacks and will provide for a more secure and livable world. As we remember the 9-11 attacks, the time has come for a new decade of hope and peace, one in which friendship, outreach and engagement dominate over the forces that drove violence, war and needless suffering.  

Another feature that was reinforced during my trip to the US was America’s continued political polarization. The Obama administration has not brought people together, and in the process lost much of the support it received in the historic 2008 polls. The Democratic Party is heading for a serious drumming in the upcoming congressional elections in November, where the Republicans are expected to win back the House and possibly the Senate. The Tea Party movement will undercut some of the gains and weaken the Republican’s image as a responsible national leader and fragment the party, but ultimately it will likely add to the number of seats under the Republican “brand”. While the election is over a month away, the political and social forces that have come out of America’s woodwork in the last few months reinforce the deep divisions in the American electorate.

What are these divisions and why have they taken such a polarized form? The political map of the United States has been largely “blue” (Democrat) and “red” (Republican) since the 1990s, with the coastal states carrying the blue majorities and the south and central states, arguably less culturally diverse and globalized and with a more empowered conservative religious right, in crimson red. The social structure and power of different social organizations contribute to different political outlooks. Yet the fault for the contemporary divisions lies with the tactics and political decisions of politicians. It was not, however, until the Clinton era when Bill Clinton tried to embrace the “middle ground” and moved the Democrats ideologically to the center on issues such as health care and welfare reform that the ideological divisions widened. To differentiate themselves, the Republicans developed more strident ideological positions, tied to limited state involvement, trickle-down economics and religious conservatism. Leaders in the party pushed the party further toward the right and labeled others not in line with their positions as the other pole. The Clinton administration fueled the divisions, as it adopted similar “us or against us” tactics. The Bush administration followed this pattern, even going as far as demonizing alternative voices as “unpatriotic”. The middle ground in individual political parties and nationally evaporated as the political costs for being in the center increased. Many “moderates” were pushed out of office.
 
Obama was to bring in a new style of politics. Instead he has been haunted by old divisions, as Republicans have refused to put aside ideological differences to work with him. Many have continued to adopt the demonization strategy which has taken the form of the “Birther” movement, denial of Obama’s US citizenship. The rallying point of controversy has been health care reform. The Obama administration has not helped, as it has not adequately provided incentives and disincentives for a polarized position. Its lack of experience has shown itself as it has closed ranks rather than broadly engaged. It has not provided a clear road map politically and prioritized issues to maintain the focus of its base. In the one area that has supposedly been its focus, the economy, it has lost confidence among broad sectors nationally. Unfortunately, the Obama administration has not maintained its appeal to the American public’s “middle ground” – the young and supporters who rejected a return to the Clinton era and voted for “change”. In the midst of Obama’s disconnect with its base, a new lost voice, a social movement now political party movement of Tea Partiers, has emerged, who use even more polemical tactics to gain support. The end result is greater polarization. Sadly, America cannot adequately address its challenges in this state of division.

This month I returned to Washington DC to attend a gender workshop at the American Political Science Association (excellent learning session!). The trip provided an opportunity for me to assess developments in the American political landscape. My next two blogs will focus on my observations.

I was particularly dismayed by the increased anti-Muslim sentiment in America. This was manifested over overwhelming opposition to the construction of an Islamic community center near Ground Zero in New York (over 70% in recent American opinion polls) and Dove World’s threat to burn the Quran in a form of religious extortion to pressure the imam in New York to relent. These events occurred over the holy weekend of Eid Mubarak. These manifestations of misplaced anger against a religious community are deeply troubling and go against the grains of what America stands for – tolerance and religious freedom. They are a shameful face of America – afraid, racist and ignorant. They are not my America, as I am part of the 30% of the country who believe that it is the right of the community center to be built and every religion should be respected and the common values of humanity respected.

Calling a spade a spade, however, does not explain what is going on. As I reached out to Muslim friends over the Eid weekend, I reflected on why the trend in America since 9-11 and under the Obama administration has become increasing intolerant and Islamphobic.

First of all, American opinion polls in America show that the same people who are likely to be anti-Muslim are anti-Semitic and generally lack exposure to other religions. Despite greater acknowledgment of the important of Islam globally, as it remains the fastest global religion, there remains a serious gap in understanding the religion. Few appreciate its diversity and understand the commonalities among Islam and other faiths. Personally, I have long admired elements associated with justice and peace in the Muslim faith, as well as the embrace of the search for knowledge and respect for family. There is a deficit in understanding. Now more than ever, Americans – who are arguably among the most isolated and uninformed about developments in the Muslim world – are suffering from the gap in understanding. I took away the need to work harder to promote understanding.

Second, America’s religious leadership is abdicating its role in educating the public. In fact, when religious leaders such as the pastor of Dove World promote hate and misunderstanding, they are contradicting the very principles they are supposed to represent. There must be a reason beyond a lack of understanding for their actions. Ironically and sadly, it is obvious to me that many Americans continue to feel that they are under attack. In order for the fear to be addressed, steps need to be taken to reinforce a sense of security among all groups in America. This task lies with the political leadership, not the religious leadership. The events over the last few weeks reinforced to me the failure of the Obama administration to promote religious understanding and security among Americans across faiths.

Finally, the bridges between Muslims and non-Muslims need to be strengthened. All sides are hurt and defensive, many with good reason. They are choosing to stay on their own sides of the river, to not connect. The need to engage, to embrace each other in our common humanity is more pressing than ever. As I think about the divisions in the US or elsewhere, I am reminded of the need to reach out to those of other faiths or experiences. I firmly believe that small connections can work to rebuild the fabric of divisions if one takes action and does not just stand by and watch.

Often overlooked in South Asia, in large part for the long-lasting ethnic-based conflict in the north, this island nation offers a fascinating lens into a developing country. Warm hospitality and genuineness blend with social conservatism and a gentle reserve in the country of 21 million people.

Visiting the capital Colombo with trips to Kandy, the ancient cities and a national park, it quickly became obvious that this country is underrated. The rich historical archeological sites – especially Sirigiya – offer important insight into how Buddhism extended through Asia and reveal the strong cultural, architectural and artistic traditions. The beautiful frescoes are worth the steep climb up 1002 steps around the Sirigiya rock, as is a visit to the famous Tooth Temple in Kandy. Not inundated with tourists these glimpses of ancient social relations and political power reveal the critical role of family and regional diversity of political power in the island. 

Sri Lanka’s importance as a religious center is also overlooked. The role that Buddhism has played both within the country among the majority Sinhalese and globally is a central part of the country’s identity. Pilgrimages from around the world are common, especially to Kandy, as the debates in monasteries feed into contemporary discussions of Theravada Buddhism. I arrived on poya – the full moon – and watched the festivities associated with marking this holy day. Despite Buddhism’s prominence, Hinduism is alive and well among the Tamils and there are a growing number of Muslims. Villages and communities remain ethnically segregated and this becomes increasingly obvious as one moves into the rural areas. A Sri Lankan’s religious identity is perhaps the strongest defining social cleavage, as it reinforces other markers of language and ethnicity.  Ethnic differences remain sharp in a polity where ethnicity has been a defining feature.

On my first safari (ever!) I witnessed the strong conservationist tradition in Sri Lanka. Many argue this is the impact of Hinduism and Buddhism, with their respect for the environment. One could see first-hand the respect for nature and living creatures. While visiting one of the national parks I was able to see wild elephants, peacocks and even a crocodile (not the human kind!). To watch the animals free in their domain was inspiring and very much worth the risk of snakes, leeches and bruises from the jeep.

Less so was the obvious legacy of war. Sri Lankans are extremely happy that the conflict has ended,( well at least for now).  They are able to travel on the A-9 North-South highway, although the area around Jaffna remains off-limits. There are still an estimated 60,000 people in the IDP camps, and serious concerns about the treatment the Tamil minority. The policies for resettlement and peace-building do not evoke confidence. Racism against the Tamil minority and increasingly against the Muslim community is deeply engrained. The responses of the government in the post-war environment have yet to suggest that peace will be long-lasting, as the causes of the war remain and are arguably being enhanced by policies and practices in the post-war environment. One of the most striking features while traveling were the photographs of the current President, Mahinda Rajapaksa, suggesting a cult of personality amidst rumors of increasing corruption and abuse. This does not bode well for long-lasting peace.  Hope lies, however, in the people of Sri Lanka, who deserve and want a better life.

In June I made my first trip to India since I was a child. I visited the traditional “Golden Triangle” – Delhi-Agra-Jaipur. The trip was wonderful, as it opened my eyes to the “modern, more confident” India and simultaneously reawakened my south-south connections.

India like the rest of world – mixes modernity with tradition. The honor killings stand side-by-side with a vibrant women’s rights movement. For me, what struck me during this trip were two “new” developments. First was the embrace of technology in India. The image of a banana seller on the roadside in the desert of Rajasthan using his cell phone to connect with his family sticks with me. India is not a country of Luddites. Computers, phones, and other electronic cadets are being embraced and made into their own. Delhi may not be the programming center of Bangalore, but its technological savviness was impressive. The use of technology appeared empowering, aiding communication and addressing some of the prominent social inequalities in the country. The use of the cell phones has become so common that this is helping address the infrastructural deficits. This pattern of using technology to address social inequalities is common in the developing world – and been a cornerstone of the involvement of groups such as the Gates Foundation – but what distinguished India was the attitude toward technology, a willingness to accept and adapt technology as their own.

The second “modern” thing that stood out was the emergence of the middle class. It is a powerful social force that is driving social change. Consumer habits and values are transforming quickly, particularly among the young middle class. India- like China – is a new market that offers promise for any producer. The middle class in India is emerging along the patterns found historically in Europe and the West, not connected to government funds, jobs and contracts (a pattern one finds in many parts of Southeast Asia) but one driven by entrepreneurship and creativity. This bodes well for its development long-term. What was interesting to me, however, was that the middle class had not yet translated into a political force, at least a recognizable one. Politics remains patronage and personality driven, ethnically tied, and largely local.  While there are calls for better governance, especially performance in the economy, the connection between the middle class and political parties appeared weak, as “traditional” patterns shaped politics to a large extent. Where the middle class has had its most important political impact is in civil society it seems.  Longer term, I expect considerable change here too.

The final issue that sticks with me is the impact of Persian culture on northern India. This was translated during the Mughal period and can be found in the fabulous monuments and buildings, including the stunning Taj Mahal and Amber Fort. It was the screens, the carvings, the architecture and the art work, both in the monuments and in the contemporary markets of Jaipur that illustrated the long-lasting effect of the south-south ties of India to the rest of the world. Personally, the trip to northern India reminded me of the land of my birth and its own magnificent treasures, Iran. Visiting India was like a visit to my earlier home.

Special thanks to Philip Oldenburg, a mentor from Columbia, for showing me around northern India and to the people who welcomed me with their great food, openness and exciting embrace of old and new.

Bridget Welsh is an Associate Professor in Political Science at Singapore Management University where she teaches courses on contemporary Southeast Asia, comparative politics, gender and international development. She received her doctorate from the Department of Political Science at Columbia University, her MA from Columbia University, language training (FALCON) from Cornell University and BA from Colgate University.

She has edited Reflections: The Mahathir Years (2004), Legacy of Engagement in Southeast Asia (2008), Impressions of the Goh Chok Tong Years in Singapore (2009), Democracy Takeoff?: Reflections on the BJ Habibie Period (2010 forthcoming) and Transition or Transformation: Abdullah Badawi's Tenure (2010 forthcoming). Her single authored books include Beyond Ethnicity: Malaysian Voting Behavior (2009 forthcoming), How Malaysians Think About Politics (2009 forthcoming) and Reformasi Elections in Malaysia (2010 forthcoming). She has also written numerous articles on a range of issues from human rights in Southeast Asia to US-Southeast Asia relations. She is a regular contributor to malaysiakini, the leading news website in Malaysia.

She is the Malaysia Director of the Asia Barometer Survey Project and in collaboration with her colleagues in the project is co-editing a manuscript examining attitudes toward regime resilience in Southeast Asia. She is also working on ongoing projects examining Islamist parties in Malaysia and Indonesia, vigilante violence in Indonesia, and humanitarian conditions in Myanmar/Burma. Her dissertation at Columbia University examined the relationship between state power, political rights and revenue extraction in colonial Malaya. These projects reflect a keen interest in democracy and development in Southeast Asia.

From 1997 to 2001 she taught political science at Hofstra University in New York. In 2001 she joined the Southeast Asia Studies program at the Paul H. Nitze School for Advanced International Studies (SAIS) of Johns Hopkins University. She joined the faculty of Singapore Management University in July 2009. In 2004 she was a Henry R. Luce Southeast Asian Fellow at the Australian National University. In 2006 she received a grant from the USIP to study Islamic political parties in Southeast Asia. In 2009 she received the Max Fisher Teaching Excellence Award at Johns Hopkins University. Bridget Welsh is the former Chair of the Malaysia, Singapore, Brunei Studies Group and a consultant to Freedom House.


She had the fortunate experience of being raised abroad and lived in South America, the Middle East, the Caribbean, Europe and Southeast Asia. Her hobbies include travel, wine tasting, reading and movies. She currently resides in Singapore with her family.